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What it was like?

I grew up around alcohol, everyone around me drank, everyone partied, they partied for days leaving me with babysitters, anyone who'd babysit, until I myself was barely old enough to watch over little ones. We'd have to scrounge for food. I remember there being a bunch of Jif box corn muffin mix that my mom bought on sale, I learned how to make those and feed us that. One of my cousins told me about how once when she was babysitting me at my place, she and I made mustard sandwiches, bread with mustard because that's all there was. She told me I said "I love mustard sandwiches". So poor. Growing up like that was horrible. When I was tiny I used to get mad at my mom and beg her to stop drinking and tell her when I grow up I'm never going to drink! I didn't stick to that for long. I drank for the first time when I was 13 years old. A guy who was a high school dropout who lived with his mom at the end of our apartment building, had me and a few of my friends over and gave us some beer. I gagged after my first sip, I hated the taste of it, I forced myself to drink it. I wanted to be cool, I wanted to be accepted. After getting buzzed for the first time, I thought it felt great, I had no worries, I was floating! It made the next time I drank easier knowing the results I'd get from drinking that nasty tasting beer. Most of the time it was Miller beer, the kind in the bottle. Me and my friends made it a game, we would see who could rip the labels off whole, we'd laugh and be happy when one of us did it. A few parties later, I became his girlfriend! I thought I was so cool, I was in 7th grade going out with an older guy who had parties! Not long after we started going out, while at one of his parties I passed out on his bed. I came to with him on top of me, he was having sex with me. That is how I lost my virginity. My panties and pants weren't all the way off, they were down by my ankles. I remember him on top of me, looking down at me, the look in his eyes, I saw fear, he was afraid because I came to and caught him raping me. I was still high, I was in shock now. He got off me, I pulled my panties and pants up and rushed home. I didn't tell a soul, not even my mom. She thought he was a nice guy and liked him. I didn't think anyone would believe me, I felt shame. I had been molested by an uncle (one of my mom's brothers) when I was 4 years old and never told anyone about that either, the shame from that was still with me. I felt like it was my fault, I was the one who was bad. Those feelings had a lot to do with me not telling. Not long after my "cool boyfriend" raped me, it happened to me again two other times, older guys giving me and my friends alcohol and raping me. One of my good friend's nasty old grandfather brought her, me, my best friend and a couple other girls out to his place which was out in the middle of nowhere, and gave us a shit load of beer, like cases of beer. He kept looking at me licking his lips. My best friend said let's kiss so he will think we're gay and won't bother us. So, we kissed. My 13-year-old drunk-self thought that was a great plan! Now that I look back on this, I realize that just tuned that pervert on! We partied so hard I blacked out. I woke up in the hallway with my panties and pants off. One of my friends told me she saw him eating me out and chased him away. I remember thinking why didn't that friend or the others cover me up, help me to the room where they all were to keep me safe, why just leave me with my bottom half naked in the hallway where he can come back for me. No cops were called, no adult was told. Another time me and some friends went to one of their friend's apartment. There were a couple of older guys there. One was in his 30s, he gave us a bottle of Jack Daniels whisky. Again, I got drunk. Again, I was raped. The last thing I remember was standing out on his balcony smoking a cigarette, with my back up against the wall which was covered with tiny jagged white rocks, I started to slip down to the floor. The rocks cut my back. I still have a scare on my back from that. I come to, I'm in a bed with him, we were both naked. I jumped up, got dressed, saw my friends out in the living room, we left. By this time, I was numb to what was happening to me. The very thing I used to get numb, alcohol, was the very thing that was putting me in these fucked up situations. I was drinking to forget about getting raped, and drinking was getting me raped. I went to a free clinic and got tested. I tested positive for gonorrhea. I was a 13-year-old with a VD and a drinking problem, who had been raped three times in one year. I have many, many more horrific alcohol related stories, those are a few from my beginning. I used to wonder where Creator was during those dark times. I think about how many times I could have died from alcohol poisoning or gotten killed by someone. I'm not being overly-dramatic, I really could have died. One time I woke up to get ready for school, my mom went out the night before, she was passed out in her room, there was a 12 pack of Budweiser beer sitting on the kitchen table. I started opening can after can, guzzling. I don't know how many cans I drank. I stumbled up to my room, fell on my bed and passed out. I missed school that day. My mom never knew I drank her beer, she must have thought she drank it herself. I was so broken, I had no self-esteem or self-worth. When I was 20 I got pregnant two months after I started dating a guy who lied saying he couldn't have babies, we got married six months after we met. Right after we got married he started to beat the shit out of me, while I was pregnant and after, once when I was holding my fresh newborn baby, I had to toss her on the couch so she wouldn't get beat by him. It took everything I had in me to get away from him. My two young daughters are what gave me the strength to run from him. Now I look back and see how Creator saved me, He kept me alive! His love for me is great, just like my love for Him! One of the blessings I've experienced since getting sober, I have a beautiful relationship with the Creator.

What happened?

Alcohol was supposed to make me feel better, take my troubles and pain away. It lied to me. Alcohol stole my self-worth, I was worthless. Alcohol broke my soul. Every single time I drank I knew that I shouldn't, but I couldn't stop myself. I was putting my babies through the same hell I grew up in! I wanted to quit so bad! I tried so many times, I couldn't do it! Then I don't know, maybe my 101th try it finally stuck, I conquered alcohol! It was because of my four babies and Creators endless love for me! That last try, me and my four babies stood in front of the bathroom toilet, them each holding one of my beers, one by one they took turns pouring them into the toilet. That was cathartic for me, seeing them do that! My babies were my reason, my love for them did it! I didn't want them to grow up and drink and live the hell that I did! I needed to break the cycle! I needed to make a better life for them! They deserved the best version of myself and that could only happen if I was alcohol free! Now my babies have a mom who is sober and always there for them, I am their biggest cheerleader! Because of this they are all academically successful and most importantly happy.

What it is like now?

Once I was alcohol free I had to face my demons and I had some ugly evil demons. I had to remember it ALL, things I buried so far down. The shame, the guilt. All the trauma. I had to pick up the million broken pieces of myself and put them back together, one good thing is I put them back together differently, better than they were. I had to find my voice, a voice I never used before. Once I found it though, I couldn't stop using it! It was like a broken faucet that was stuck for years, now it worked and it all came rushing out! I had to learn to cultivate my feelings into words then into my truth. I knew many would be unhappy with me speaking my truth, but I also knew it would help with my healing and I prayed it would help others with theirs. 16 years later, I look back and wish I had done it sooner! I wish I had never started drinking, I wish my tiny self would have kept her word and never drank. I didn't write this for pity. There are others who've been through worse than I. I open myself up and share my story in hopes of helping others, to take away the shame, the stigma. By sharing this; I shout from the rooftops that "I went through some bad shit!! I know what evil looks like! I am here and living and loving! You are not alone!" It is the greatest gift, if I could say there is a gift from my story, that others will read it and know they can persevere and win despite adversity!

Until now, research has been focused on the cultural differences between Native Americans, the U.S. government, and the general public and how these differences prevented Native Americans from succeeding in the mainstream school system. Native Americans are not the only minority in the United States. The largest minority groups - Blacks, Asians, Hispanics- and a host of other smaller groups all face similar barriers as Native Americans. In 1983, at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Chicago, a symposium was held to present and discuss ethnographic findings on school experiences of different minority groups in order to shed light on why some groups are more successful than others. Following the symposium, Gibson and Ogbu (1991) compiled a volume of papers on the subject titled Minority Status and Schooling: A Comparative Study of Immigrant and Involuntary Minorities. This volume addresses the central question of why some minority groups do relatively well in school, in spite of facing substantial barriers related to such factors as their different cultures and languages, the prejudiced attitudes of the dominant group toward minorities and unequal access to jobs, while other minorities confronting similar barriers do far less well in school. (Gibson Ogbu. 1991, p. ix) In a nutshell, Gibson and Ogbu (1991) asserted that there were two types of minorities in the United States, immigrant minorities and involuntary minorities. Immigrant minorities are those who come to this country voluntarily, looking for a better life. They accepted hardships, barriers, and prejudice because they wanted to become part of the mainstream. They came to this country because they believed the move would lead to economic well-being, better opportunities, and greater political freedom. These immigrants appeared to interpret the economic, political, and social barriers against them as temporary problems that they would or could overcome with the passage of time, hard work, and more education. Such immigrants accepted marginal jobs because they felt they were still better off than they would have been in their own country. Therefore, they tended to "explore economic resources and niches not wanted by members of the dominant group or other members of their host society" (Ogbu, 1991, p. 12). The immigrants appear to rationalize and to acquiesce to the prejudice and discrimination against them by saying, for example, that they are strangers in a foreign land and have no choice but to tolerate prejudice and discrimination as a price worth paying in order to achieve the goals of their emigration. (Ogbu, 1991, p. 13) Involuntary minorities are those who were forced to become part of American society through slavery, conquest, or colonization. They usually resented the loss of their former freedom and perceived the social, political, and economic barriers against them as part of their undeserved oppression (Ogbu, 1991). This undeserved oppression led involuntary minorities to differ from immigrant minorities in their perceptions of chances for success in mainstream society. They interpreted the economic, social, and political barriers against them differently than immigrant minorities. The biggest difference was they did not see their situation as temporary; on the contrary, they interpreted the discrimination against them as permanent and institutionalized, which led them to develop oppositional identities (Ogbu, 1991). Indians who developed oppositional identities believed that regardless of their ability, training, or education, whether they lived off or on the reservation or dressed and acted like white men, they would not be treated as equals (Green & Wallat, 1981). Furthermore, Indians, as involuntary minorities had no place to go to seek relief from a society that treated them like second-class citizens; they were strangers in their own homeland (Ogbu, 1984). Finally, involuntary minorities distrusted members of the dominant group and the societal institutions controlled by the latter. This was especially true of Native Americans. Native Americans did not trust schools to provide their children with a good education. Unlike the immigrants, Native Americans find no justification for the prejudice or discrimination that they experience against them in school and society other than the fact that they are Indian. Furthermore, Native Americans, unlike the immigrants, see the prejudice and discrimination against them as institutionalized and enduring. Beginning with the earliest attempts to educate them, Native Americans believed discrimination against them was institutionalized and that it was not going to be eliminated entirely by getting an education (Ogbu, 1982). Unlike the immigrants, Native American students did not interpret the cultural and language differences they encountered in school as barriers they had to overcome and did not, apparently, make concerted efforts to overcome them. Rather, they interpret the cultural and language differences as markers of identity to be maintained. Moreover, they do not appear to make a clear distinction, as the immigrants do, between what they have to learn or do in order to succeed in school (such as learning the standard language and the standard behavior practices of the school) and the dominant-group's cultural frame of reference (which may be seen as the cultural frame of reference of their "oppressors"). (Ogbu, 1991, p. 26 This attitude, on the part of involuntary minorities, often led (and still leads) to a dilemma; they have to choose between academic success or maintaining their minority cultural frame of reference and identity - a choice that does not arise for immigrants. Involuntary minorities have a deep distrust for members of the dominant group in society and a distrust for the schools that this dominant group controls more than immigrant minorities do because the former "lack the advantage of the dual frame of reference that allows the immigrants to compare the schools they now attend with the schools they knew 'back home'" (Ogbu, 1991, p. 28). Instead, involuntary minorities compare their schools with those of the dominant group and conclude that theirs are inferior because they are minorities (Ogbu, 1991). Having concluded that their schools and education are inferior, they divert their emotion and efforts in a continual quest for "better schools and better education." The message is also communicated to children quite early that the schools they attend and the education they are receiving are inferior, a message that contributes to the development of distrust for the system. (Ogbu, 1991, p. 28) Gibson and Ogbu's (1991) book contained a chapter solely dedicated to the Ute tribe of Utah. For 100 years, the Utes have been exposed to the American educational system through private, church-run, or federally funded on-reservation schools, boarding schools and the state public school system. The free public education system of Utah has served Utes since 1952 but has produced relatively few Ute high school graduates. Utes perceive the school district and the schools as generally hostile to their children and as a system which is nearly unassailable. This perception is based on a history of long-standing grievances between Utes and neighboring non-Indians, on the racist attitudes of many non-Indians, and on the differing values and expectations held by Utes and the public school. (Kramer, 1991, p. 287) The Utes also view the schools as agents of assimilation. They are viewed, therefore, as a threatening rather than a beneficial force in the lives of Ute children. Fred A. Conetah, the Ute tribe historian, noted that '"one issue that was particularly troublesome for the People was the efforts of federal officials to educate Ute children'" (as cited in Kramer, 1991, p. 291). "Utes opposed and resented the notion of their children being taught 'white ways,' and most refused to send their children to school until the second decade of this century" (p. 291). This resulted from how they perceived their children would be treated in school, and their perceptions were often correct. Coleman et al. (1966) found that as many as one-fourth of all teachers in public schools if given a choice, would prefer not to teach American Indian children. Thus, "teachers' negative attitudes have often dominated the Indian child's school experience and hindered academic achievement" (Berry, 1969, p. 34). Cultural differences between Utes and the people who operated the schools were a frequent cause of friction between the groups. This was most noticeable in the manner each group viewed awards. For example, the school recognized students who "came in first," whether it was grades or athletics. Ute's parents could not comprehend this; "they believed that awards were deserved by those who tried the hardest in every class or in every game, regardless of the final grade or score" (Kramer, 1991, p. 297). Clearly, the dominant group's values that promoted production and competition were at odds with tribal values that encouraged process and personal commitment. According to Kramer (1991), American Indian tribes cannot be compared to other ethnic minorities because American Indians stand to lose their culture by integration into the larger society. Christensen and Demmert (1978) "urged tribes to take legal and moral responsibility for their children's education by exercising control over school boards, approval of curricula, and, if necessary, by establishing separate schools" (p. 140). The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (1981) reinforces Christensen and Demmert's advice: Politically, other minorities started with nothing and attempted to obtain a voice in the existing economic and political structure. Indians started with everything and have gradually lost much of what they had to advancing alien civilization. . . . Indian tribes have always been separate political entities interested in maintaining their own institutions and beliefs. . . . So while other minorities have sought integration into the larger society, much of Indian society is motivated to retain its political and cultural separateness, (pp. 32-33) Unknowingly, tribal college leaders may have been familiar with Gibson and Ogbu's concepts of involuntary minorities and immigrants. They expect their students to perpetuate their respective Indian societies, not the American society at large, and they promote that the most viable political and economic position for Indian tribes is to co-exist with American society, not enter into it (American Indian Higher Education Consortium [AIHEC], 1999).


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I love UND's new logo. As soon as T-shirts with the new logo are available, I will go and buy several, for myself and my grandchildren. They will be perfect to wear should I attend an athletic event at UND - something I never contemplated doing as long as it used the old nickname. Five years ago, I wrote a Viewpoint titled, "Is the Fighting Sioux moniker cursed?" (April 11, 2011). I actually got hate mail because of it. That moniker is gone, and the curse is gone, too. At least, here on the reservation it is. We no longer have competing petitions, no one is running to the Tribal Council to drum up support for one side or the other, our young people no longer are pressured to state their position, and the free Fighting Sioux apparel that was passed out before the vote that was held here on the nickname has all but disappeared. The curse-er, controversy is no longer mentioned, and we are all better off for of it.
Unfortunately, the curse appears to still be widespread off the reservations. For every time progress is made on the selection of a new logo, a small group of whiny, self-righteous, privileged and probably racist supporters of the now-discredited nickname conjure up letters and send them to the Herald. And, they comment - along with posting what is now just a generic picture of a good-looking Indian man, since it no longer represents UND, or any tribe for that matter - on the Herald's Facebook page. Like zombies, they repeat the predictable and childish phrases such as, "Sioux forever, or else no more donations," or outlandish phrases such as, "We are fighting for our survival." Really?
And, could the curse be partly responsible for the spanking that gubernatorial candidate Wayne Stenehjem got in the primary election, after a picture of him wearing a Fighting Sioux jersey circulated on Facebook? Many of those hard-core Fighting Sioux supporters feel they can speak for us Dakota (that's Sioux to Caucasians). They claim how hurt we Dakota are to see the logo gone. This is blatantly false; we Dakota are rejoicing at its demise. We even went as far as holding a celebration at which we invited and honored former UND President Robert Kelley for his role is ushering in the new nickname. And, the critics have this sick, twisted notion that taking away the Fighting Sioux nickname and logo is an act of oppression against us, when in truth it's the exact opposite. It feels liberating to travel around North Dakota now that that nickname is gone. 

Last but not least, they refer to a 1969 ceremony that supposedly gave UND the rights to use the nickname. Again, they are speaking from ignorance. If they were familiar with Dakota culture and/or ever attended an actual pipe ceremony, they would know that did not happen in 1969. I'm also amused by all the spin-off merchandise that's appearing under the guise of supporting the old nickname. In my opinion, those merchants simply are taking advantage of the emotions of those few hardcore fans by selling them merchandise closely related to the old, discredited nickname. Reminds me of the argument of how the NRA takes advantage of tragedies to sell more guns. Some people are getting irate about the Herald's constant coverage of the ongoing non-controversy. Not me. Each story is a reminder of a hard-fought victory over a deeply embedded racist tradition. I will never get tired of hearing or reading about it. Sort of like my Lakota relatives who every year celebrate their victory over Custer at Greasy Grass, 150 years ago. In closing, what this really comes down to is this: a few hardcore and racist Fighting Sioux nickname fans just can't stand to let American Indians "win one." In their eyes, we committed an unpardonable sin by not only standing up to their racism, but also winning. And they can't let that go, any more then can they let their racism go. I make this observation from my 63 years of experiencing racism across North Dakota. It has become my belief that there is no cure for racism; a racist person will more than likely die a racist. Hence, the hardcore nickname supporters' lifelong and ungodly obsession with the nickname. 

TRIBAL POLITICS


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Tribal Politics

My exposure to hardcore tribal politics began when the Tribal Council appointed me to the Little Hoop Board of Regents in 1988. Until then, I had never dealt with tribal politics. All I knew about tribal politics was when tribal workers talked about other tribal workers and the tribal council and the shenanigans they pulled. Sitting on the Board of Regents, I soon became familiar with tribal politics. I saw the vital role tribal members played in the governance of those entities, how each entity governs itself, and those they served. Fortunately, the Dakota values my mom taught me were resurfacing after six years of sobriety. These values helped me recognize unethical conduct in the workplace and in tribal government.

We jokingly call this unethical behavior tribal politics. Participation in tribal politics inclines to corrupt the most ethical of persons. Unqualified people get hired, and those who speak up against favoritism and nepotism become persona non grata. Many workers are chronically tardy, and absenteeism is rampant. People ignore or tamper with the housing list and often award contracts to their favorite contractors without going through the bid process and paying them an excessive amount. Tribal members who need help from programs receive no assistance as opposed to those who "know the right people" or are "related to someone on the council" who receive help from those in charge of programs. 

Some believed sending a tribal member off to "get educated" would solve many of our problems. Not true. According to one elder who attended my graduation reception, "Some people get an education just to learn how to steal more," as she reverently held my doctorate diploma in her hands. Furthermore, a corrupt, educated tribal leader/worker is far worse than a tribal member without education. At least an uneducated tribal worker/leader can claim ignorance. A literate person can't. They understand policy and procedures, and many degree programs touch on ethics. Therefore, they realize how unethical practices can harm the tribe and tribal members. Tribal politics flourish because unscrupulous individuals think people are too dumb or scared to speak up. Not me. I'm neither dumb nor fearful to speak up. My mom and aunties taught me a strong sense of right and wrong, and my years of alcoholism taught me to recognize a con when I saw one or a lie when I heard one, and I spoke up when I encountered unethical conduct.

Maybe I was naïve, but I couldn't keep my mouth shut when someone said or did something I thought was outright stupid, wrong, or dishonest, leading to heated confrontations. For me, addressing tribal politics is simple: don't lie and have the courage to speak up when you encounter unethical behavior. What disgusted me most was the "you scratch my back, and I'll scratch yours" practice of administrating or governing. The "you scratch my back, and I'll scratch yours" is when one person helps another on condition that the second person helps them in return. Unscrupulous tribal members often put personal differences to form coalitions to achieve their crooked goals. The membership of these coalitions is fluid, changing members depending on the issue. There seem to be one or two tribal members who stay members of these coalitions, regardless of how often the coalition evolves. This practice has slowed or halted the tribe's progress toward self-sufficiency. This is when I discovered I'm not an adept politician. I can't tell a person "Good job" when they are incompetent and unqualified for their position or look the other way when doing something unethical or illegal. With tribal politics deeply embedded at the college and throughout the tribe, I soon realized I had to stay one step ahead of those who were expert at it. However, I had one major weakness: not having the "skills" needed to become good at tribal politics, I had no friends in "the right places," and I had to find other methods to be successful. Fortunately, exposure to tribal politics led me to discover that I could predict what people would do, say, or act simply by studying them. It was a skill I honed during my Hobo Joe years when I had to survive on my wits. And it was this ability that helped me survive tribal politics. 

I describe this ability as recognizing "patterns" in people's actions. Some patterns apply to everyone, and each person has their own unique set of patterns. People become predictable when I learn their patterns of behavior. Therefore, by scrutinizing people in meetings, visiting with them, or watching them from afar, their actions and words conveyed to me where they stood on specific issues, how they felt about certain things, and what steps they would take in certain situations. Even if they try their best to hide their true intentions, their pattern of behavior gives them away. This ability would not be possible if I didn't have a prodigious memory. When pressed to remember what happened, I can recall people's events, conversations, and past actions to the smallest detail, which helps me predict where a person stands on issues and what they will do next. All it takes is a person's mannerisms or speaking (patterns) to trigger my memory. Most people call this body language. I say it's body language on steroids. A more app analogy is comparing it to a professional tracker. After observing minimal signs of an animal, a trained tracker can quickly discern the sex, weight, height, and movement characteristics of the animal he is tracking.

I also have excellent peripheral vision and can observe individuals in meetings and other settings without turning my head toward them. Most people are unaware of how easy their facial expressions are to read when they think no one is watching. 

Recognizing I had this ability was a factor in accepting the Academic Dean's position. This ability helped me navigate the politics that plagued the Dean's job. I could head off trouble and resolve many crises by utilizing this ability. This unique ability kept me one step ahead of my detractors.

At this point, I had five years of sobriety, and I began to shed my self-centered Hobo Joe persona, and I grew into someone who enjoyed telling people what to do. I liked to problem-solve, and I didn't avoid controversy. One program director said I was arrogant and loved to argue. Maybe I was because I believed that if anyone should decide on an issue, that person should be me. When I observed something amiss, I usually became involved. It didn't matter what it was. Because I dared to speak up when I observed wrongdoing, I soon gained enemies and began to spend more time alone. I may have returned to the values of my youth. Still, one character defect was so ingrained in me because of my alcoholism that it continued to influence my behavior long after I became sober. It was the need to get even. I had to get even if I perceived even the most minor slights. The need for revenge would drive me to great lengths to get even. I simply would not quit until I got even.

My motto was "Never forgive, never forget." And I often harmed myself when getting even, but I didn't care. I was like a boxer who didn't mind taking punches as long as he could land one in return. Revenge was all that mattered. Because I was in a decision-making position or seen as a person who influenced decision-makers, people often blamed me for unpopular political policy decisions I did not make because people expected that behavior from me. And I did nothing to change that impression. Instead, I often promoted that erroneous view of who I was. I often express myself through my alter ego, Hobo Joe, whose values leave much to be desired. This disreputable behavior continued until the great tragedy of losing my son caused me to examine my behavior. Still, sometimes, this need for revenge overrides all other emotions. Mom used to say, "Revenge is a dish best-served cold."





Transient Platoon


 

One morning two "runners" came to our Quonset and talked with the drill instructor. Runners were exceptional third-phase marine recruits who the Drill Instructors utilized to carry messages around the base. The Drill Instructor called me over when he finished talking with the runners. Private Longie, I want you to get all your shit packed and go with these two recruits. I was puzzled. I didn't know what was happening, but I packed all my stuff in my seabag and followed the two runners out the door. We walked across the Marine Corps Recruit Depot (MCRD) to a building, where they told me to sit down and wait until somebody came out and talked to me. A Sargent called my name and led me to a room with about a dozen other marine recruits. He told me to pick a bunk and unpack my shit. You may be here a while, he told me.    I asked him what was happening, but he wouldn't tell me anything. After I settled in, one of the marine recruits came up to me and said this was the transient platoon. Everybody here is getting discharged from the marine corps for one reason or another, he told me. So, I asked him why? He said some of us don't want to be marines, some can't do the physical part, and some didn't see any sense in constantly spit-polishing boots and memorizing parts of the code of conduct. And a few of them had criminal records, and they will receive a bad conduct discharge (BCD). When we went to meals, instead of marching like marine recruits, most straggled along, laughing and joking, having a good old time. The following day a Sargent called me into his office. They had run a background check on me, and it came back that I was a felon. That's all he told me. He sent me back to the transient platoon. The next few days were strange. It felt weird being around recruits who were happy to get out of boot camp. I thought, why weren't they ashamed of getting washed out of Marine Corps Boot Camp? Instead, they besmirched the Marine Corps and didn't have anything good to say about the DIs and the training. Their criticism of the Corp bothered me. It was then I realized how much I wanted to become a marine. But I knew a judge had found me guilty of breaking into a bar a year earlier. I was kind of heartbroken. I hated to return home as a person who failed to complete Marine Corps boot camp. I stayed in that platoon for a couple of more days. After a couple of days, a captain sent for me. Well, private Longie, I'm looking at your record; let me ask you this; how much do you want to become a marine? I responded, "Sir, bad enough to lie to get in the Corp. Sir. That's obvious, he said. He appeared to be thinking for a while and finally said you are doing good in training; there are no problems with your attitude; I think you'll make a good Marine. I will give you a break and send you back to your platoon. Man! I was happy. I said, thank you, Sir, thank you very much. I returned to the transient platoon and threw all my stuff in my seabag. While packing my seabag, I looked over the recruits and thought, man, I'm glad to get away from you losers. I threw the seabag over my shoulder, left the building, and walked across MCRD. When I approached the Quonset, the drill instructor was standing outside. I walked up to him and said, Sir, Private Longie is reporting for duty. Sir. He gave me a what-the-hell-looked and said go to your old bunk to get your shit squared away. And just like that, I was back at the marine corps boot camp. A few years after I left the Marine Corps, my probation officer was satisfied with my behavior, so he took steps to erase the conviction from my record. His actions that day affected an important event many l years later. It will be in another chapter.

Regret



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Regret

 

Shortly after discovering I had cancer, a woman I loved more than any other woman unexpectedly journeyed to the Spirit World. She passed before I could apologize for all the pain and hurt I caused her when we were together. This woman I loved above all others was the one if you know what I mean.

 

Her name was Cleo Young, and we had a son named Erich Longie. Erich Jr. was the only child whom I did not help raise. I met Cleo during the height of my drinking and raising hell years. As a result, I treated her horribly, yet she stuck by me for several years. When times were good and we were together, I was happy like no other time in my life. I believe we were indeed soul mates. But my alcoholic ways ruined it for us. She left me due to my constant lying, cheating, and bad behavior, and we broke up.

 

Years later, I attempted to woo her again after I sobered up. But the hurt was too deep, and her memories of my dysfunctional behavior were still fresh. She eventually married an ndn man from Canada who was good to her. And, I had been married --- and divorced --- twice.

 

One morning about three years ago, my daughter and I went to the Casino to eat breakfast. One of my ex-wives worked there. After we left the Casino, my daughter said, Leona (my ex-wife) told me to tell you Cleo died a few days ago. 

 

I was shocked. Is Cleo dead? How can that be? She was a few years younger than me, and I hadn't heard about her being terminally ill. After my initial surprise, I immediately felt enormous regret because I always hoped to apologize to Cleo for the shitty ways I treated her and to tell her I had always loved her and always will. With her gone to the Spirit World, I would never get that chance, and this realization filled me with immense regret. 

  

I went to Cleo's wake. After I left her wake, on my drive home, my memories of how awful I treated her filled me with remorse. This remorse prompted me to turn to Wakan Tanka for understanding. I asked Wakan Tanka to allow Cleo to hear my words. I then apologized to Cleo for all the wrongs I had done, for the pain I caused, and told her I had always loved her and always will. I concluded my prayer by asking her for forgiveness.

 

Several months later, Cleo came to me in a dream. In my dream, I entered a room/building, and she was sitting at a long table. I turned around, left the building, and I woke up. I went over to her, I knew I had done something wrong and tried to talk to her, but she was angry and would not speak to me (like old times, I thought when I woke up).

 

I went back to sleep and had the same dream and woke up!

 

I went back to sleep and had the same dream for the third time!

 

However, I didn't wake up in the third dream when I left the building. Instead, I turned and walked up the street, turned, and started walking across the street. When I got to the middle of the street, I turned to look at the car waiting for me to go by, and Cleo was in the driver's seat smiling at me. As dreams go, I can lean down on the windshield and try to kiss her. She smiled at me, which gave me the courage to go to the driver's side, where she rolled down the window, looked up at me, and smiled. I leaned down and kissed her. As I drew back, she kept smiling, and a feeling of euphoria engulfed me - a sense of profound happiness that I had never felt before - and I woke up. That wonderful euphoric feeling lingered for a few seconds after I woke up. As it began to fade, I instinctively knew I would never feel that euphoria again, at least not in this world.

 

And I knew she forgave me.

 

I had seen Cleo several months before she died in her hometown of Tokio. We were doing a Fighting Sioux presentation in Tokio when I noticed her in the audience. When the time came to pass out the literature, I walked over to her and handed her several papers. I explained the documents to her; she nodded and said, "okay."

 

I was surprised she was alone, for her and her husband were usually together. I was also surprised that he did not show up at her funeral. When I asked our son about it, he said he was in Canada and couldn't cross the border.

 

Several months later, Erich Jr. came to visit me, and during the conversation, he mentioned her husband had been in Canada for the past five years.

 

I was shocked! Was Cleo alone for five years? If I had only known! I would have told her I was sorry for all the wrongs I did to her and that I always love her and always will. I was sick with regret when I realized I had missed an opportunity to see and talk to her one last time.

 

In response to my questions, my son said he had gone home to visit and could never make it back due to being unable to cross the border. I had a strong hunch he was not telling me everything.

 

Looking back on my life, I am finally honest about how I felt toward Cleo. I now acknowledge my eternal love for her was probably the primary reason I stayed single all these years after my second divorce. Although I knew it was unrealistic, I had always harbored a secret hope that Cleo and I would eventually reunite.

 

I realized too late that I truly loved only one woman. No, that is not true either. I had always known that I truly loved only one woman, but due to circumstances caused by my character weaknesses, I could not, or would not, do anything about it. Regrettably, it took her unexpected journey to the Spirit World for me to finally admit to myself how I had wished I had done whatever it would have taken to spend my life with her.

 

In closing, as much as I loved her, I know she loved me more. Unfortunately, her death finally helped me comprehend how much I hurt her and how her undying love for this worthless Indian boy ruined her chance for real happiness. But what can I do? What has passed has passed. Still, now and then, I sadly think about her and how things could have been. With Cleo's unexpected journey to the Spirit World, with a good chance that cancer will shorten my lifespan, and at my age, I am content to go to the Spirit World as a single man.

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This year I will be discovering the secret entrance.
  Anyway, I'm getting ahead of myself my name is Beverly.  I have curly hair, brown eyes, and I have an 80's type of style.  I'm going to stay with my grandma Willow.  She has green eyes, light brown hair, and wears fancy leather clothing.  My grandma won't let me touch her books on her shelves.  That's why I think there's a secret entrance. 

 

A little bit later my grandma headed to the grocery store.  So I will try to investigate.  But, before I start I will call my friend Rachel.  Before Beverly was going to call she thought it was a bad idea and stopped.  The Beverly started looking around, and then she pulled a book.  Everything started shaking then she fell into a hole and darkness surrounded her. 

 

Beverly turned on her flashlight and started looking around. Beverly then found a light switch and turned it on.  When Beverly turned it on, then she saw a demon, Beverly was horrified. Before Beverly could run away the demon took over her body.  Then the demon heard a door. 

 

Soon grandmother arrived home.  She went downstairs to the secret entrance and found Beverly laying down crying.  She put Beverly on her lap but when she Beverly's face it gone.  She let go of Beverly then Beverly disappeared.  The demon was going through Beverly's memories, and then the demon started targeting Rachel.  Rachel only lived 2 blocks away.  So the demon wanted to start with her. 

 

Beverly's grandma Willow got up and was trying to figure out where the demon was going.  Then she knew that Rachel was closest to the neighbor hood. Grandmother dashed outside, started her black motorcycle, and started driving to Rachel's house.  When grandmother arrived she heard Rachel screaming at the top of her lungs.  When grandmother came inside Rachel was throwing things at the demon.  But when grandmother took a closer look at Rachel she realized Rachel's arm had gotten bitten by the demon. 

 

Grandmother then carried Rachel outside, Rachel then started crying.  Grandmother went back inside to find Beverly crying on the floor, soon grandmother yelled at Beverly  "I will not fall for a trick like that again!"  But Beverly looked at her then grandmother realized her face was back.  Grandmother hugged Beverly tight.  In the background Rachel was yelling, "Is it going to help me?!" Beverly and grand mother were laughing. Tears were flowing, Rachel yelling and throwing a fit, everything was perfect. 

 

The paramedics arrived to bring Rachel to the hospital.  Beverly and grandmother were waving and saying good bye while they were taking Rachel away.  Rachel kept telling them "You guys were no help to me!!" Grandmother and Beverly started walking to the motorcycle; grandmother started it up and started driving. 

 

When they went inside the house Beverly's eyes started turning green.  Meanwhile grandmother was preparing some tea.  Beverly disappeared again.  Beverly went to go see Rachel, Beverly unplugged everything that Rachel was hooked up to. Lets just say Rachel didn't make it.  Beverly returned to grandmothers house after that. 

 

Grandmother got a call that Rachel didn't make it, she told Beverly.  Beverly faked cried.  Soon Grandmother went to bed, then Beverly got up grabbed a bat and went to her grandma's room the terrible things happened. Ambulance came, everything happened so fast.  Sadly Grand Mother never made it. 

Wakan Tanka


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EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK:  

Stringing Rosaries: The History, the Unforgivable, and the Healing of Northern Plains American Indian Boarding 



School Survivors 


I interviewed Erich Longie (b. /953) in his office located on the Spirit Lake reservation. Erich works at the Tribal Historic Preservation Office; reflective, soft-spoken, and sipping on tea, and he sat for several extended interviews after his office closed/or the day. I knew Erich from our days at the University of North Dakota while we completed our doctoral degrees. Erich is known nationally for his anti-Fighting Sioux logo activism.

INTRODUCTION BY ANGIE LONGIE:

I've always heard stories of Dr. Dad/Hobojoe. I had only met Hobo Jo once, when I was 8 yrs. old. That was my first time seeing my real dad since I was a toddler because he went away to the Marines. He was in a carload of drunks & he was drunk, looking like a wild Indian. But he wanted to bring me to McDonald's & bring me right back home, he said. I could see that he was pleased to see me (he had tears in his eyes). So my momma let me go. However, I changed my mind...why??? My dad was sitting on the passenger side, said, "Come on, my girl and sit on my lap" then he shut the car door.... right on my hand...Ouchy!!! I started crying & jumped off the car & ran into the house past my Mama, screaming, " I never want to see my dad Hobo ever again!" But eventually, I moved to the reservation a couple of years later. We moved into Grandma Cora Rose's old house next door to her & my great-grandparents on the other side. I loved it, and then I met Hobo again. He was sober this time....in a wheelchair, healing from a terrible car accident. I fell in love with this straight, new Daddy of mine & Chibbins & they got married & had my brothers. He learned how to walk again & went back to college. I saw him get his 2-year degree, his Bachelor, become a teacher, an Academic Dean, then his master's, become President of our college for 12 yrs., then receive his Doctorate. He then starts his own business & becomes very successful & respected by all who are blessed enough to know him. He has always been my role model & mentor & fantastic father (the best Daddy in the World). I can't imagine life without him, but cancer came into our lives & I could see it bringing him down at times. But he is stubborn (like me, now I know where I get it). I think the tough outlaw (Hobo Jo) has always been inside because Hobo Jo will never give up a fight (from what I heard). I just thought I'd share my experience of the Wildman Hobo Jo. I'm glad I was raised by the sober Dr. Dad, though. He is the most understanding, Courageous, and Honest man I appreciate & Love. 

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THE EARLY YEARS

I was born in Devils Lake, North Dakota, in 1953. During my infant and toddler years, I lived in the East End. The East End was the eastern part of the reservation where my dad grew up. But most of my memories are in Crow Hill, where my mom was born and raised. My mom and my dad separated when I was a toddler. In Crow Hill, we lived in a two-room frame house; part of it was a frame house; part of it was a log cabin with a porch attached to it. I remember it being warm and cozy. We had a kerosene stove with three burners, which we cooked on. I remember the older kids going to school and wondering where they went.  

 

We explored all the trees and hills within a five-mile radius and played many games to keep us occupied in the evening. We ran around the woods, went down to the lake, and swam. I remember my auntie, on my dad's side, stayed with us. We called her Auntie Abu. A Dakota word, "Abu," is inserted in a lullaby Dakota mothers used to sing to their babies. "Abu, Abu ...go to sleep...  "She used to sleep on the floor behind the kerosene stove because it was warm, and her thakoza [grandchild] would sleep with her. Back then, the adults would talk in Dakota all the time. It was a good life. I didn't have a care in the world.

 

We always had lots of dogs and cats. Back then, dogs were not allowed in homes, no matter how cold it became. My stepdad had built a shelter for them using the angle iron from an old iron bed. I happened to trip and fall right on the edge of the angle iron, and its sharp edge cut a deep gash right next to my nose. The rip became a huge scar that is still noticeable today. Back then, we did not run to the clinic when we were sick or hurt; we just toughed it out.  

 

One summer day, my cousin Timmy, my sister Becky, and I- I must have been about four years at the time- went to the lake to swim. When we arrived at the lake, we saw smoke coming from the direction of our house. Becky said, "I want to see where the fire is coming from."  She looked worried when she left. Timmy and I followed her, but we took our time. Becky came running back, and she was crying. She sobbed, "The house is burning down."  We ran up the hill, and sure enough, the house was on fire, and there were people around it watching it burn. I remember my older sister Tina at one of the windows trying to save her cats, but an older relative quickly grabbed her and pulled her to safety. About half a dozen cats perished in the fire. We lost everything in the house. No one died, but we lost everything.

 

That was the first significant change in my life. I went from living in a comfortable house to a tent for the rest of the summer.   I remember the generosity of people; someone donated a canvas tent we put up in the woods. Other people brought food, blankets, cooking utensils, and other stuff to replace what we lost in the fire. We stockpiled everything in the tent, cooked the food over an open fire, and we kids used the lake to wash up daily. There were about six or seven of us kids. I say six or seven kids because my oldest brother was seldom home. I think he mostly stayed with friends or relatives in Fort Totten. We all couldn't fit in the tent, so most of us slept outside around the tent. When it rained, we all tried to squeeze into the tent not to get rained on. It was miserable. Due to this experience, I don't view camping as an enjoyable experience. Instead, I consider camping outdoors as an unpleasant activity that I try to avoid. 

 

 Several relatives constructed another log cabin about one hundred yards from where the old log cabin stood. It was a one-room log cabin much smaller than the old one. Wooden planks extended a third of the way across the ceiling to create a loft. We used a ladder nailed to the wall to climb up to the loft at bedtime. Before, we would go to sleep, and when we woke up in the morning, we would peer over the planks to see what was happening downstairs. It was the warmest place to sleep in the wintertime and the hottest place in the summer. Two older sisters and a younger sister (the baby), three younger brothers, an older brother, and I slept in the loft. My older brother spent several months at a sanatorium for TB, and when he came home, he spent most of his time with relatives in Fort Totten. With him absent most of the time, one of my sisters slept on his bed. Eventually, mom put a full-size bed downstairs, and the girls all moved downstairs. And that's what I remember of my first five years.

 

My mom, who read a lot, was a knowledgeable person. I think Mom went up to ninth grade. Although English was her second language, she spoke it fluently, but she spoke Dakota most of the time. I know a couple of words [in Dakota], well, I know more than a couple of words, and I can follow a conversation in Dakota if English words are inserted now and then and spoken slowly. Mom raised ten children and did an excellent job.   However, two of my older siblings who became alcoholics died of liver failure, a third older sibling died of a drug overdose, and my younger brother committed suicide due to alcoholism. Another older sibling died of cancer. In total, I had four older siblings and five younger siblings. In my opinion, the extreme poverty we grew up in and the alcoholism that was so prevalent on the reservation damaged their character and made them susceptible to addiction.  

 

We were impoverished: we lived in a small one-room log cabin sweltering hot in the summer and freezing in the winter with no electricity and running water. We never had toys, bikes, sleds, or candy for anything other than food and clothes, and sometimes we had no money for those necessities. We very seldom left home. At one time, we raised rabbits and chickens, and we ate a lot of eggs. Now and then, we would skin a rabbit or kill a chicken. It was hard to kill a pet. A couple of winters, my stepdad snared wild rabbits, which mom made [into] stew.  

 

Always short on food, Mom would jump at the chance to send us to church because the ministers would say, "Send them to church, and we'll feed them sandwiches later."  They would also provide transportation. For the most part, learning about Christianity wasn't bad, but I hated white people back then; for whatever reason, I didn't like them, and the ministers were white. I finally figured out by the time I was eleven or twelve years old that the values Christianity promoted and how the Christians I knew behaved were different. I realized there were no true Christians, just people who claimed to be Christians. Christians acted the opposite of what my mom taught me: never lie, stand up for what is right, help others, and share what you have with people who don't have anything. By the time I was eleven or twelve years old, I had rejected Christianity altogether. I did love listening to Christian hymns, though, and I continue to listen to them. It was a habit I kept hidden from everyone for years.  

 

 My older brother left home when I was eight or nine. The subsequent three oldest siblings were all girls. Since we neither had electricity nor running water, we had many chores. When I would get off the bus, my stepdad would have my younger brothers, and I helped him saw the wood, split it, and carry it into the house. Once we ensured we had enough wood for the night and the next day. Often, Mom would put the water pails in her trunk and go someplace, come here to Fort Totten or some other place, and fill up the water pails and bring [them] home. Using the car to haul the water was much easier than carrying water half a mile or so. Eventually, someone came out and tried to dig us a well, but they couldn't find any water. They finally struck the water, but it was so deep it took two of us to pump it out. They dug us a water line from the pump to our log cabin and connected it to a tank in our house. I don't recall the tank getting full; it was so hard to pump the water. In the wintertime, we melted snow, which was our water, or we caught rainwater in the summer, the water we used to wash clothes. In the summertime, we always swam, so we never had to worry about staying clean. In the wintertime, now and then, Mom would get out her enormous tub and fill it up with snow, put it on the stove, and when it was full of warm water, one of us would get in there and take a bath. I remember we always had a lot of impetigo sores back then, and I think the reason was that there was not enough water to take baths. I've still got scars on my legs from them.

 

We hauled or pumped water and sawed and split wood until we moved to Fort Totten when I was fifteen. For the most part, I remember my childhood as a happy time. It was tough; we wished for toys, we would have like better food, new clothes, and stuff like that, but it was still a good life. Probably the happiest time was when Mom was [cooking on] Sundays. Mom would always manage to get a chicken for Sunday dinner. We would go to church, and she would have a chicken dinner when we came home. The whole family would sit at the table and eat. Those Sunday dinners were probably the happiest times in my young life. But then again, it was a different time; our family was close, and we all loved and respected each other. We had cousins who lived over the hill from us. Together, we ran around Crow Hill all day, went swimming in summer, and slid on cardboard in winter. There were tough times, too, when there wasn't enough to eat; the log cabin was hot in the summer and cold in the winter, but mostly, I remember my life during that time as happy. Man! There are times when I miss those days.

 

BIA School

My experiences with the white man's education began at the old Fort in 1959. I was in the kindergarten class, and I remember it was a terrifying experience. We lived out in the country and didn't see many people. We were loners out there. Everything was so strange. Suddenly, I was left alone with this crowd of peculiar children, the teacher was a black woman, and she was mean. I couldn't figure out why she was black because I had never seen a black person before. They closed that old school in the second year and moved us into a new school they had built the year earlier. Miss Daggs was also the first-grade teacher, so I had to endure another year with her. By the end of the second year, I figured out Miss Daggs, as mean as she was, favored me, even though she would still beat me with a ruler now and then. Here's why I thought that: one day, when I was at home sick on my birthday, around about, the school bus came over the hill and pulled up beside the log cabin. I'm wondering what the heck is going on.

 

My entire class got off the bus, along with Miss Daggs, carrying a birthday cake. They all stood by the window and sang happy birthday to me. Mom went outside, and Miss Daggs handed her my birthday cake. She [Miss Daggs] kept me for another year; altogether, I spent three years in her classroom, and then she promoted me straight to third grade, having me skip second grade. They put me with a teacher called Mrs. Reynolds, who was meaner than Miss Daggs. She slapped me hard once because I wasn't paying attention. She would pull our ears, grab us by the shirt, jerk us around, shake us, and yell at us.

 

My sister started reading to us when I was in about the third or fourth grade up in the loft of that log cabin. She would read aloud books like The Wizard of Oz and The Boxcar Children, and Alice in Wonderland to us. She was about four years older than me, and since there was no TV or anything, we looked forward to her reading books. That's how she kept us in line, too: "If you don't behave"-she used to babysit us-"if you don't behave, I'm not going to read to you guys tonight."  It's how we all became readers. Once I started reading, I wouldn't stop. Mom would tell me, "istima," when I would sit at the table using an old kerosene lamp as lighting and read long past my bedtime. Istima means "go to sleep" in Dakota. My younger brother read just as much as I did, if not more. As time went by, our lives became a little bit better, and Mom was able to give us money at times. My brother and I would go to town with Mom, buy a couple of books, and then trade back and forth until we had both read the other's books. If somebody had a book, I would ask them for it whenever I went. I didn't care what subject it was; I read it. The worst thing about grade school was they had a library, but they never let students read the books in it, much less check them out. I went into that library to get a film projector. I remember seeing rows and rows of books; I just wanted to read them badly. When we would line up for dinner, it would be right across from the library. Man! I would stand there wondering what kind of books were in that library. I was dying to get my hands on those books, but they never once opened them up to us students.

 

I don't recall it ever bothered us because that's how life was back then. We were always fighting with this person or that person. Therefore, physical violence was a way of life for us. Although the teachers were mean, they couldn't hurt or scare us. They were not as bad as going out to the schoolyard, getting into a fight with somebody older, and getting the crap beat out of you. They became scared of us as we got older. So, they were careful about how they treated us in the upper grades. I remember one teacher would run to the door all the time every time we started arguing with each other. He was the seventh-grade teacher, and anytime something happened in class, he would run to the door and call the principal; he was so scared of us. I remember an eighth-grade teacher, Miss Stenjen, who was one of the kinder teachers. One time she brought me several shirts. I remember she would bring me clothes because my clothes were ragged. Mom never had enough money to buy us new clothes. By the time I reached eighth grade, life was great. I had complete freedom because, by that time, mom had married a white man, but he never raised us and let me do whatever I wanted to. I was free to come and go and do whatever I wanted, and life was great. 

 

Log Cabin

Back then, most ndn lived in log cabins, shacks, or older frame homes deemed unlivable today. After our house burnt down, friends and relatives built another log cabin for us.

 

Their log cabin was small; it was about 40' x 40' square. A closet was against the northwest corner of the west wall. Next to it, on the west wall, was his mom's sewing machine. Next to that was mom's dresser, and next to her dresser, in the southwest corner, was mom's bed. Next to mom's bed, along the south wall, on a shelf, was one of those old radios that needed a massive battery and a wire connected to an antenna on the roof to pull in radio signals. Next to the radio was a stand with a washbasin. Next to the stand with a washbasin was a cream can we used to hold water. A door was next to the cream can. Across from the door was a woodbin in the southeast corner. Next was a kerosene-cooking stove on the east wall, followed by an open space. Our stepdad nailed a ladder to the wall in this space. We used it to climb up to the loft. My brothers and I slept in the loft on mattresses on the floor. On the other side of the open space was a cupboard. On the north side was another dresser against another bed that the girls slept on at night. A wood stove and table were in the middle of the room. And that was the extent of the furniture in our one-room log cabin. Due to the loft becoming extremely warm in the summer, the boys slept outside in a tent or an old junked-out station wagon. 

 

Later the wood stove that kept them warm in the winter was replaced by a fuel-oil stove with a defective regulator. We constantly monitored the bad regulator so it wouldn't flood and start the house on fire. A propane gas stove eventually replaced the wood stove. Mom used a kerosene-cooking stove for cooking, which she replaced with a woodburning cookstove. With a woodburning oven, she constantly turned everything she baked so it would cook evenly on all sides. With the gas stove, mom could bake bread without turning the dough around. With the purchase of a fuel oil stove used to heat the house and the gas stove used for cooking, we boys didn't have to saw, split, and haul wood into the house anymore.   

 

During the winter, they spent hours playing on the lake below the house once it froze. With makeshift sleds (car hoods and other pieces of metal, wood, or whatever they could get their hands on, they were able to fashion in sleds), they slid down every hill within a couple of mile radius. And, of course, they built the usual snow forts, tunnels, and other stuff. They swam in the lake in the summer and hiked all over Crow Hill. They knew every inch of those hills. They knew where to locate all the berry bushes and where all the rabbit trails were. They even found a long-lost cemetery long overrun by bushes and trees. As a result of all this physical activity, they were lean, sunburnt, had boundless energy, and were as healthy as a horse. They very seldom became ill.  

 

THE BLIZZARD OF 1966

I was 13 years old when the Blizzard of 1966 unleashed its fury on the Northern Plains. It was the worst blizzard in decades, certainly the worst in my young memory. It brought all human (and animal) activity to a standstill. I was 13 years old when the Blizzard of 1966 unleashed its fury on the Northern Plains. Well, not all activities. We lived in a one-room log cabin with a wood stove to heat the house. As the oldest son at home, I was responsible for seeing enough wood sawed every evening. I had to saw the wood, split it, haul it inside and stack it in the wood box every evening before I could go outside and play with my siblings and cousins who lived over the hill from us. I usually hauled in and stacked enough sawed logs in the house until the following afternoon, when I would get off the bus and do it all over again.

 

My younger brother, Mark's job was to pump water at our water pump located about 30 yards from the house. A water pipe ran underground from the water pump to a tank in the log cabin. I don't recall him ever filling that tank because the water was tough to pump. Now and then, the water pipe froze, and we would have to haul water from Fort Totten in the trunk of Mom's old '50 Chevy. We supplemented that drinking water with melted snow water to wash dishes, wash our hands and face, and other stuff that needed cleaning.

 

The eve before the Big Blizzard struck, I was home alone with my younger siblings. Mom, her sister Loretta and Loretta's boyfriend, Mike, went to watch my older cousin, (Big) Dave Longie, play in the district basketball tournament. Big Dave was the star basketball player for the Oberon Bulldogs' high school basketball team. My aunt Loretta (and Mike), who lived just over the hill from us, often went places with Mom during the winter due to the trouble of keeping cars running. Back then, automobiles were old and unreliable. Winters were harsh, and temperatures remained well below zero for days. Therefore, owning a car running during the coldest months of the winter was not easy. I also recalled the wind blew harder, and it snowed a lot more.

 

As the babysitter, I could sleep in Mom's bed until she returned. Sleeping in Mom's bed was a real treat because it was soft and had warm blankets. Most kids slept in the loft on mattresses on the hard floor with heavy quilts to keep us warm. One benefit of sleeping in the loft was it was the warmest place to be in the winter. We often had to fight over the quilt during the winter when the fire in the stove went out during the night. However, it quickly warmed up when the fire started again in the morning. Before falling asleep in Mom's bed, I remember hearing the wind blowing hard and the house becoming cold. I also wondered why Mom wasn't home.

 

I woke up sometime during the night because the fire in the wood stove had gone out, the house was freezing, and Mom still wasn't home. By then, I could hear the storm raging outside and realized there probably wouldn't be any school that was okay with me, so I went back to sleep. The school wasn't my favorite place anyway, I usually missed around 20 days per year, so I looked forward to another day of staying home. My younger brother Cory was making a fire the next time I woke up. Cory was an early riser and often would get up to help Mom start the fire, or he would begin to do it under her supervision.

 

Once the house warmed up, one of us made breakfast out of rolled oats or cornmeal, commodities we received every month. I wasn't worried or surprised that Mom wasn't home. People often were stranded in bad weather and stayed at the homes of relatives or friends.' And, sometimes, Mom would work at the valley picking potatoes and would be gone for several days, so it wasn't the first time we kids were home alone for more than a day. We knew how to take care of ourselves.

Anyway, the strong wind blew through the cracks in the log cabin, which meant we had to burn more wood than usual to keep warm. We soon ran out of wood and had to venture outside for more. However, the wind was so strong, there was too much-blowing snow, and the temperature was too cold that there was no way we could saw wood outside. I decided to move the sawhorse into the porch out of the wind and cold. I think it was my younger brother Cory who suggested, why don't we move the sawhorse inside the house? There were no adults around to tell us, "No, you can't do that," so that is what we did. With sawhorse inside the house where it was warm, I had no trouble getting my younger brothers Mark and Cory to help me saw wood. We had plenty of sawed logs to keep us warm. My two younger brothers, Marshall (Pete) and Chris, were too young to help. My other younger sibling, April, was also too young to saw wood. Plus, she was a girl, and girls weren't allowed to saw wood back then, at least not while I was able to.

 

My oldest brother, Phillip John, had hitchhiked to California a couple of years earlier; Martina and Marcy were in a boarding school at Maddock, ND. They came home on weekends. My other older sister Becky usually stayed in Fort Totten with her friends or at my aunt Alvina's home. That left me as the oldest child at home and the chief babysitter. Our stepdad had also hitched to California with his nephews the previous summer. (Three of my older siblings, Phillip, Martina, and Marcy, as well as a younger brother, Mark, have since taken the journey over the star road home and now reside in the Spirit World.)

 

Here is where my memory is blurred. I remember we were home alone the entire first day of the storm. I do not remember if it was during the first day or the second of the storm that I decided to see how our cousins, Aunt Loretta's children, were doing. As mentioned earlier, my aunt Loretta lived right over the hill from us. Anyway, Cory and I dressed warmly and decided to see how they were doing.

Once outside, I was shocked at how terrible the conditions were. I was used to winter storms, but none came anywhere near as fearsome as this one. The storm was ferocious! I recall the wind blowing hard and lots of blowing snow, but the trail we took to our aunt's home was relatively clear of snow, and we had walked over the path hundreds of times, so we walked half a mile to our cousin's home without any problems. Our cousins were doing okay, but their house was cold because they ran low on wood. I asked them if they wanted to come and stay with us, and they agreed. If my memory serves me correctly, it was the five younger ones, three older ones were at boarding school in Wahpeton, North Dakota, and the oldest, Big Dave, stayed in Fort Totten. They put on their winter coats, and we all braved the wind and bitter cold back to our house.

 

As children, our cousins and we often got "caught" outside in a blizzard, but we knew Crow Hill like the back of our hands, so we always made it home when caught in a storm. And we never played very far from home during the winter. Once, when I tried to walk to Fort Totten, a distance of five miles, a storm came up when I was about halfway there--faced with a choice of walking across an open field or turning around and making my way through the woods back to our log cabin. I chose to turn around because I was concerned if the storm got any worse, there was a good chance I wouldn't make it across the two miles of open fields. The trail back home went through the woods, coming out right above our cabin. I knew I wouldn't lose my way no matter how hard it stormed. But it was tough going. I was so cold when I did make it home my older sister Marcy had to put me to bed with a bunch of blankets, and she gave me either hot tea or soup to drink.

 

Anyway, I'll get back to my story about the blizzard of 1966. The house was warm, we didn't have adult supervision, and we enjoyed visiting and playing games. It was getting dark when we cooked some popcorn and decided to play some games. We had dozens of games back then to help us pass the time during the long winter days, none of which I can remember now. We had just started to play when we heard a noise coming from the porch, which scared the heck out of us. We knew no one should be outside in this weather. As we stood still listening, the blanket over the door began to move. In alarm, we watched as the door swung open, and a person, wholly wrapped in a blanket and covered in the snow, came in. The person took off the blanket, and we could see it was - Mom!

 

We were so happy to see her. She sat down and asked us how we were doing. We were more concerned about how she was doing. She was tired and looked almost frozen. She said they became stranded in Fort Totten after the game. They started to worry about us on the second day of the storm and decided to walk home. Against the advice of her host, she and Aunt Loretta wrapped a blanket around themselves and, with Mike leading the way, started walking. They walked five miles in the worst storm in decades because they worried about us. Astonishing and oh so courageous!

 

It wasn't long before Mike came after our cousins and took them home. After the storm cleared, the snowbanks were a sight to behold. Many of them were taller than our house. We tried to walk up as many as we could. The snowplows cleared the roads in a couple of days, and we could return to school. Stretches of the road were like going through a canyon, with the snow piled high on each side. The snow quickly melted, and all the meltwater gave us kids another opportunity to play, but that's another story. And that is my recollection of the storm of the century.

 

Growing up in the country

 

Town life

Life was much more straightforward for me before we moved to Fort Totten; we lived in the country and had minimal contact with the rest of the reservation. My life revolved around the Jerome tiospaye (extended family): my mom, her three sisters, an uncle, first cousins, and other close relatives. We pretty much followed the kinship system of their Dakota ancestors. This caring, supportive family unit made my life predictable; my future was predictable, and I didn't have a care in the world.

 

After I graduated from 8th grade, he enrolled in Benson County Agriculture and Training School (BCATS) at Maddock, ND, because there wasn't any high school on the reservation. During his first year at Maddock, the first HUD homes were built and distributed to families in the country. His aunt received one and several of his neighbors, but his family didn't. He discovered they didn't get a new HUD house until many years later because his mom married a Wisicu (Whiteman).

 

With his cousins and neighbors living in new HUD homes and with him spending five days a week in Maddock in a boarding school with all its modern conveniences, it began to dawn on him that they were dirt poor. In Maddock, he experienced running water, indoor toilets, electrical lights, and a heating system not dependent on wood, and his Caucasian classmates all had lovely homes. As a result, he spent more time in Fort Totten at his aunt Alvina's house during the weekends simply because her home had electricity and a TV. On Fridays, after getting off the bus at home, he would walk to his aunt's house in Fort Totten, a distance of 5 miles. He would take a shortcut through the hills and trees and across an open field to reach Fort Totten. He walked it so many times, regardless of the season, that he formed a path through the woods.

 

One Friday evening, when he got off the bus, he noticed his old dog Spot didn't greet him. He walked down the hill with my suitcase, entered the log cabin, and saw that most of the furniture was gone. After the initial shock wore off, he noticed a note against the kerosene lamp. On the note was written, "Hobojoe, we moved to the Fort. We will come and get you by seven." Although only 15 years old, he realized a momentous event had occurred in his young life and that his life would never be the same. (He folded up the note and put it in his billfold. He carried it around for about a dozen years until he lost his billfold.) He then looked around the room, trying to imprint the image of the room in his mind to ensure he would never forget it. Years later, and even now, when he dreams of his youth and the home he grew up in, this log cabin is in his dreams, not the HUD homes they lived in once they moved to Fort Totten. 

 

His mom eventually came after him, and they went to their new home in Fort Totten. He couldn't believe his eyes when he walked into their new HUD home. He couldn't believe it. The rooms were spacious, the floors were tile, there was running water, and most importantly, his mom had acquired a used TV. A house with all the modern conveniences was a considerable change for his family. Other changes were not so positive.   Before moving to Fort Totten, he mainly hung around with his cousins, and due to living in the country, they pretty much stayed out of trouble. In the three years since I moved to Fort Totten when I turned 18, I would appear before the Juvenile Judge at least 17 times. The move from the country into Fort Totten transformed me from a shy, respectful country boy into a worthless, trouble-making, wild Rez boy.

 

Every time I would go visit Auntie Alvina, I always had a book in my pocket, and when I'd take it out to read, she'd say, "One of these days, you are going to be a great man Hobojoe because you carry a book around with you wherever you go."  When I was a teenager, Mom always told me, "You're going to make something of your life. You're smarter than all these guys who lay around not doing anything. You're not going to be like these worthless Indian men; you'll make something of your life."  She told me this over and over again. It was one of the reasons why l didn't drop out of high school. I didn't even try very hard to do the work in high school; I was just there because of Mom and because they served us three square meals every day, which we seldom had. When it came down to it, Mom was why l never dropped out of high school.

 

 

 

 

 



 


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What does it mean to be an Indian, Anishanaabe or a Dakota? McGlennen argues convincingly that native identity is not a connection to place, to a particular reservation. Legally, being the member of a native nation can be defined as tribal enrollment, regardless of residence (Spirit Lake Tribe). However, concerns over cultural appropriation seldom arise because another falsely claims residence or tribal enrollment. Being a Dakota or an Ojibwe means more than regalia. This is not the identity native people seek to protect. Rather, backlash from native communities is against the exploitative use of culture, including dress, dance, music, etc. often for financial or other personal gain and taken out of context (Scafidi). As a Dakota who fought a decade-long battle to abolish the hated Fighting Sioux nickname, this is the type of cultural exploitation that is our concern (Longie, 2015).

Members of native nations are connected through a shared history and values, but by whose definition? Blaeser (168) noted that the history of native people is most often presented in romantic stereotypes "...unconnected to the every day lives and survival of contemporary Native people..." 

There is diversity among the 500 American Indian groups in degree of preservation of tribal language and in tribally specific religious and social activities (Red Horse, Lewis, Feit, & Decker; Weibel-Orlando). Yet, many social scientists feel it is possible to identify certain core indigenous values (e.g., Sue & Sue); generosity, courage, honesty, harmony with nature, non-interference; patience; circular time; and a broad view of the family. Blaeser cites endurance, relatedness, survival, spirituality and time as important cultural ideas. Vizenor also emphasizes survival, resistance and relation with nature as important contexts of native culture. 

In the United States, despite hundreds of years of oppression and campaigns of extermination, the Native Americans have survived and persevered (Longie, 2006). When our youth wear clothing emblazoned with "Native Pride" whence comes the source of that pride? It's not the poverty or the plethora of other problems endemic to most reservations- it's our character, those values that people should emulate that have enabled use to endure and survive as a people despite those challenges.

Perseverance in the face of hardship may be the unifying characteristic of native peoples. The present study applies perseverance and fortitude, two major values of the Dakota to game development, with the objective of improving academic achievement of Native American children.

Perseverance is defined as a steady and continued effort, usually over a long period, and especially in spite of difficulties or setbacks.

The Dakota cultivated perseverance. Traditionally, rules were rules of survival and if they weren't followed, the whole tribe was at risk. Those who enforced the rules persevered in their chastisements until individuals conformed to the law. Without perseverance, the Dakota would not have survived the world they lived in. Their perseverance is one of the main reasons why their descendants are here today. Fear is the greatest enemy of perseverance. There is the physical fear of being killed or injured by an enemy or wild animal. Another type of fear that persists today and relates to education is fear of failure, of not being able to measure up to expectations.

We were born during what many American Indians call the greatest generation, those in the 1940s and early 50s who overcame poverty, racism, alcoholism, lack of transportation to get an education, fight for a job within the system and bring jobs and self-governance to the reservations. This generation because of their perseverance brought much of the development we see on the reservations today - housing, manufacturing, tribal colleges -that overcame many barriers that benefit the reservation today. Prior to this generation, there was nothing on the reservation - no running water, no housing. This generation, in turn, opened the opportunities available to Indians now. We overcame the prejudice of the border towns, even the bad treatment of us when we went into the stores and restaurants in towns adjacent to the reservations.

Why was our generation able to do that? Maybe because we were the first generation exposed to technology. We were exposed to television, gas stoves, etc. during our adolescence. As Edmunds noted, rural reservations were "inundated by a cultural invasion" that began with radio and television and has continued through videogames, the internet and social media.

A lot of us went to non-Indian schools off the reservation. We were put in the "slow" class with the poor white students. They never expected us to join the extra-curricular activities because they didn't think we were worth it. Yet, these same people were the ones who came back and started many of those improvements on the reservation. They didn't let the racism deter them.

Today reservations are a much better place to live than they were 150 years ago, 100 years and even 50 years ago when the author was a boy on the Spirit Lake Dakota Nation. There are better schools, there are jobs, and hardly anyone suffers from malnourishment. Yet, schools have a huge drop out rate. We propose a simple answer to the problem of academic achievement- return to the traditional value of perseverance. When the job becomes difficult some workers simply quit or do not attempt to look for work. The problem has become so severe on reservations that some casinos mandate an employee orientation for tribal members who have been fired or quit jobs at the organizations three or more times. When adults no longer practice perseverance, we do not pass this virtue down to our children. As a result, when attending school becomes difficult or uninteresting, they simply do not attend. Research on one reservation found that the average student in elementary school missed an entire month of school (Longie, 1995). A return to traditional values of perseverance and fortitude was hypothesized as a solution to this problem. Spirit Lake: The Game was developed by Dakota elders and tested with Dakota children in an effort to channel the new technology to benefit the next generation by integrating their traditional values, culture and history. In this manner, we follow in the footsteps of such Native American leaders as Yellowtail (Hoxie & Bernardis) and Deer (Kidwell) who applied the education they learned in the white man's schools to defend and maintain the culture and sovereignty of their tribes.

Historically, the Dakota were the ultimate survivors. In spite of a war of annihilation by the Europeans, they survived. In spite of being put on reservations and living in poverty, they survived. In spite of the numerous social ills that plagued reservations they survived. Now in the twenty-first century, Dakota are one of the fastest growing populations in the country. How did people manage to survive in spite of tremendous odds? Simple, it was in their character to persevere. They were taught this virtue from childhood.

In his book, Dakota Life in the Upper Midwest, Samuel Pond writes this about the Dakota before the coming of the white man, 

if they would have accompanied them through one year, in 1834 they would have learned that they did not contrive to live without hard labor, also that they did not shrink from hard work, but acted like men who were determined to take care of themselves and their families. If they had been as indolent and inefficient as many think they were, we should have never heard of them, for they would have perished long ago. (23)

Years later, John Fire Lame Deer, who was born in a twelve-by-twelve foot cabin gives an account his life on a South Dakota reservation. John Fire Lame Deer persevered despite extreme hardships and became a noted medicine man.  Here is the first paragraph of his story, Hard Times In Sioux Country

There were twelve of us, but they are all dead now, except one sister. Most of them didn't even grow up. My big brother Tom, and his wife were killed by the flue (sp) in 1917. I lost my own little boy thirty-five years ago. I was a hundred miles away, caught in a blizzard. A doctor couldn't be found for him soon enough. I was told it was the measles. Last year I lost another baby boy, a foster child. This time they told me it was due to some intestinal trouble. So in a lifetime we haven't made much progress. We medicine men try to doctor our sick but we suffer from many new white man's diseases, which comes from the white man's food and white man's living, and we have no herbs for that (311).

Today's reservations continue to provide role models who have faced enormous difficulties in their lives yet they persevered. Research on academic success at the community college level found integration of Native American culture, from accommodation of intergenerational responsibilities to incorporation of Native American history throughout the curriculum, to be related to significantly higher retention of at-risk students (Rousey & Longie). 

In contrast to the types of cultural appropriation seen in mainstream films, video games offer a more functional application of Native American culture, specifically, Dakota culture. While at first glance, traditional Dakota values and educational video games may be an unexpected combination, there is much more to being a Dakota than regalia, pow-wows and sweat lodges. Other cultures that wish to copy the Dakota are advised to copy these values - honesty, courage, generosity and perseverance. Both the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics and the Common Core standards emphasize the importance of perseverance in mathematics (National Governors Association Center for Best Practices & Council of Chief State School Officers). The very first standard of mathematical practice is "Make sense of problems and persevere in solving them". Spirit Lake: The Game is an example of how the value of perseverance in the context of traditional Native American culture can be applied in contemporary society.

  In the United States, Native Americans are both the fastest growing minority group and the lowest performing in mathematics (DeVoe, Darling-Churchill & Snyder). Over 1,000,000 Native Americans live on federally-designated reservations; students from these sites perform even lower than the mean for all Native Americans (De Mars & Longie). 

Many variables correlate with academic outcomes for Native American students, as well as the general population. Numerous studies have found time to be a factor predictive of achievement in mathematics (Hersh and John-Steiner). The time factor includes time devoted to solving a problem, the perseverance shown, time spent on homework and instructional time. As one of the barriers to effective instruction in classrooms of predominantly disadvantaged children is behavioral, i.e., lack of sustained attention (Laffey et al), we hypothesized that increased attention would translate into higher mathematics achievement. Spirit Lake: The Game was created to test this hypothesis.

To heighten attention, we incorporated Native American culture in an educational video game in two ways. First, in the general story line we based everything from clothing to the landscape to daily activities on authentic tribal history, given research showing that student 

 
 


Figure 1: Introduction to Problem-solving lesson

 

Figure 2: Buffalo hunt scene in Spirit Lake

 

engagement, as evidenced by physiological and behavioral responses, is enhanced when users perceive features of a learning environment to be visually realistic (Sibuma). Second, we emphasized traditional cultural values of perseverance and fortitude as applying to achievement today. 

Figure 1 above shows the introductory screen of a unit on problem-solving that begins by encouraging students to follow in the footsteps of their ancestors who did not shirk difficult tasks. After earning their arrows through completing math problems that helped the tribe - such as dividing the 48 hunters into hunting parties of 8 hunters each, and determining if any would be left out - the player has earned the right to join the buffalo hunt. As reinforcement, the player is actually able to hunt buffalo in a 3-D world, as shown in Figure 2 above.

Each game level follows this same pattern that includes subject matter instruction with culture rather than in place of instruction in the content area. After instruction, students are presented with math challenges. Correct answers lead to game play that is integrated with the problems, just as the problem of dividing into hunting parties is followed by hunting virtual buffalo. Incorrect answers route students to corrective instruction that must be completed before returning to the game.

 

EVALUATION

 

Sample

To test the efficacy of the game, we selected a sample of 62 fourth and fifth-grade students from two schools located on an American Indian reservation in central North Dakota. The schools are located approximately twenty miles apart on the same reservation. The schools are demographically similar. Both have student bodies over 95% Native American, both have 20-25% of students proficient in mathematics in grades three through five. Neither of the schools met state targets for Annual Yearly Progress in mathematics or reading. Both are high-poverty schools located in the same rural persistent poverty county. As the program is designed to be implemented within a school, random selection of individuals is not possible. One school was randomly selected as the control group and a second as the intervention. Games were played by all of the students in fourth- and fifth-grade at the intervention school. 

We implemented the program in the fall semester. All fourth-grade students at both schools and all fifth-graders at the control group school were administered the pre-test and post-test with the exception of students with learning disabilities too severe to be tested. The children who were excluded were essentially non-readers. According to teacher report and our own observations, their reading and mathematics skills were second-grade level or below. In the intervention school, five fifth-grade students from each of the three classrooms were selected by their teachers to participate. Demographic statistics for the sample, by group, can be seen in Table 1. There were no significant differences between experimental and control group schools in gender distribution, or in age within grade.

 

Table 1

Sample Demographics 

 

 

Intervention

(N =39)

 

Control

(N=23)

 

Gender

% female

 

51%

 

 

48%

 

Grade

Fourth grade

Fifth grade

 

70%

30%

 

 

51%

49%

 

 

 

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Age (All students) Grade

Fourth grade

Fifth grade

9.7

 

9.5

10.4

0.8

 

0.6

0.9

10.1

 

9.9

10.3

0.6

 

0.7

0.5

 

 

 

Instrumentation

 

We created a 24-item test, matched with North Dakota state standards for grades two through six. We initially planned to use released items from the state standards test. However, North Dakota is one of the few states that does not release test items. Thus, we used released items from the California state standards test. The published California standards addressed by these items matched verbatim with North Dakota standards. While research with a substantially larger, more diverse sample found a Cronbach alpha of .84 for this test (De Mars), internal consistency reliability coefficient we computed for the current sample for the same test = .57. This relatively low value is likely a result of the high ceiling of the test, with many students simply guessing at the upper-grade items, as discussed below.

 

Data Collection

 

All fourth- and fifth-grade students from the two schools took the pre-test in their respective school's computer labs using the same on-line test created with Surveymonkey software. All students in the intervention group and all students from the control group school who were still enrolled in the school took the post-test, with the exception of students in special education, as noted above. At post-test, approximately 25% of the students at each school were no longer available. Some were absent or suspended but in most cases the school staff remarked, the students were merely "gone". We administered tests at the beginning of the fall semester, and again, eight weeks later, after students had played the games two to three times per week in their classrooms for 25-30 minutes per day. We collected usage data to estimate total time on task during the hours allotted for the intervention group. To progress in the game, students are required to answer a challenge question or form approximately every two minutes. Each answer records the number of attempts, response and a date-time stamp. The total minutes the class spent on task during a session was computed automatically by subtracting the time of first input from a student in the class from the time the last student in class answered a question.

 

DATA ANALYSIS

We performed all analyses using SAS/STAT software, version 9.4 for Windows. We computed descriptive statistics computed for demographics, pretest items, pre-test and post-test total scores, by grade level and by school. We performed two repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) to test for statistical significance. One analysis was conducted with only school and time as the predictor variables. A second analysis included school, time and grade. As both analyses yielded essentially identical results, only the latter is presented here. 

Four outliers, two from the intervention group and two from the control group, were deleted from the final analysis. Three of these had low scores (less than five) due to having left the remainder of the problems blank. In one case, the student had been called out of class after beginning the test. Analyses were run with and without the outliers. The effect was minor, and resulted in slightly smaller, but still significant, effect in favor of the intervention group.

 

RESULTS 

The percentage correct for each item on the pre-test can be seen in Figure 3 for fourth-grade students and in Figure 4 for fifth-graders. Some evidence for validity can be seen in the higher scores for fifth graders and the pattern of progressively lower percentage correct as the items move from the second- to the fifth-grade level. Also, consistent with published state reports showing the majority of students at these two schools to be below grade level, it was only at the second-grade level that all of the fourth-grade students' percentage correct was higher than the 

 

 

 

4thgraderesults.jpg

2nd Grade

3rd Grade

4th Grade

5th Grade

 

Figure 3: Grade Four Pre-Test Scores, All students

 

2nd Grade

3rd Grade

4th Grade

5th Grade

 

Figure 4: Grade Five Pre-Test Scores, All students

 

25% predicted by chance, with multiple choice items with four options. On only two of the five third-grade level items were fourth-grade students' scores above the chance level. 

 

Similarly, with the fifth-grade students, as can be seen in Figure 4, on only one of the five fifth-grade level questions did more than 25% of the students respond correctly. Clearly, students were performing significantly below grade level. 

 

Means, standard deviations and number of subjects, by grade, are shown in Table 2 for the intervention group and Table 3 for the control grouAs would be predicted based on the low performance on individual items, mean pretest scores were very low for both groups. Out of 24 questions, the average student answered less than ten correctly. 

 

While both groups increased from pre-test to post-test, it can be seen that the improvement of the two intervention groups substantially surpassed the two control groups. The effect is best illustrated graphically, as in Figure 5. The control groups increased only slightly in mathematics achievement, as would normally be expected after only eight weeks of mathematics instruction of 45 minutes or less per day. In contrast, the fourth-grade intervention group improved the mean test score 64% while the fifth-grade intervention group improved 29%. 

Table 2

Descriptive Statistics, By Grade Level, Intervention Group

 

 

Pre-Test

Post-test

Mean

S.D

N

Mean

S.D

N

All

9.3

2.3

37

14.3

5.2

40

Grade

9.2

2.5

25

15.1

5.3

28

4

5

9.5

1.9

12

12.3

4.6

12

 

Table 3

Descriptive Statistics, By Grade Level, Control Group

 

 

Pre-Test

Post-test

Mean

S.D

N

Mean

S.D

N

All

9.0

2.1

21

9.7

2.6

22

Grade

9.3

2.5

10

9.9

1.9

11

4

5

8.6

1.7

11

9.5

3.3

11

 

 

Results of the repeated measures ANOVA are summarized in Table 4. Consistent with the results portrayed in Figure 3, it can be seen that there was a significant effect of time, with scores improving from pre-test to post-test. There was also a significant interaction effect of time by school, with students from the experimental group improving significantly more from pre-test to post-test than did the control group.

 

Figure 5: Pre-test and Post-test mean scores by grade and school

Although the fourth grade increased more than fifth graders, this difference was not statistically significant. It should be noted, for reasons discussed below, that the fifth-grade class spent significantly fewer minutes using the program. While the fourth-grade classrooms spent an average of 24-28 minutes per session using the program, or 48- 56 minutes per week, the fifth-graders had less than half of this amount of time on task, approximately 17 minutes per session, due to conflicts in availability of the computer lab and early school dismissal due to weather.

 

Table 4

Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance, Tests of Hypotheses

 

Source

DF

Type III SS

Mean Square

F Value

Pr > F

Time

1

164.97

164.97

12.91

0.0007

time*school

1

91.04

91.04

7.13

0.0100

time*grade

1

11.58

11.58

0.91

0.3454

time*school*grade

1

22.00

22.00

1.72

0.1953

Error(time)

54

690.00

12.78

 

 

 

CONCLUSION

The goal of the Dakota Learning Project (DLP) was to integrate Dakota culture with research in mathematics education and computer gaming in order to raise the mathematics achievement of Native American children. These pilot study results were extremely promising in both providing preliminary support for efficacy and providing guidance for future research. The game proved to be highly engaging to the students and related to significantly higher test scores. Teacher reports, the site coordinator observations and the time students were on task all support a high level of student engagement. 

Time--including time devoted to solving a problem, the perseverance shown, time spent on homework and instructional time--is a much better predictor of mathematics achievement than measures of mathematical aptitude (Dehaene; Hersh & John-Steiner). Through educating students in the traditional values of perseverance, courage and survival against all obstacles, teachers used the game to encourage students to spend more time on the mathematics challenges in the game and not give up.

We applied research on the use of effective educational game design throughout development, combining feedback from the game regarding correctness of answers with elaborated instructions and meaningful incentives (Delacruz; Nelson; Van Eck & Dempsey). In Spirit Lake: The Game these incentives were the opportunity to experience culturally-based activities in a 3-D virtual world, such as gathering herbs to save the tribe from an epidemic or hunting deer.

Several changes are recommended in future research based on our experience of evaluation of educational video games in two reservation schools. Problems in organization and low-performance in these low-performing rural schools were greater than anticipated. Achievement was lower, resources scarcer and absenteeism higher even than the high level of challenge we had anticipated based on past experience in this and similar reservation communities. At post-test, approximately 25% of the students at each school were no longer available. Frequent scheduling conflicts occurred, both for individual students and facilities. While it was possible to teach fourth-graders as a whole class, this was not an option for the fifth grade as all classes desired to be involved and it was not possible to schedule six classes twice per week. Instead, the computer lab was scheduled and five students from each class were selected. The time required for students to travel from their classrooms and back again reduced time available for using the program. On some days, the computer lab had been double-booked and the site coordinator and students would spend another ten minutes or more looking for an available space. 

We originally proposed to have third through fifth-grade students participate, as the game was targeted to teach mathematics at this level. However, pretest results for fourth- and fifth-grade students showed the majority to be achieving a year below grade level. Within these particular schools, it was determined that third-grade students were not performing at a high enough level to benefit from the program. Therefore, the pilot was conducted only with fourth- and fifth-grade students.

In the interest of creating a workable prototype within a short time frame, we used commercial solutions, SurveyMonkey for collecting pre-test and post-test and SAS software for data management and statistical analysis. Use of a multiple choice format allowed students to randomly guess at an answer and still have a 25% probability of getting the answer correct. This guessing, along with the generally low pretest scores resulted in low-test reliability. We have since re-written these tests using our own code to be all open-ended response.

These complications in the research should not discourage further work in the area of educational games based on indigenous culture. The gains in test scores were both substantial and significant. Perseverance in solving problems in mathematics is part of the Common Core standards adopted by 37 states. Spirit Lake: The Game emphasizes perseverance, a core Dakota value, and although no quantitative measure was included for perseverance in the pilot, qualitative indicators suggest an improvement on this dimension.

Students in both of the schools researched showed little perseverance initially. If a problem was difficult, the student simply gave up. This same lack of perseverance was shown during the intervention. In the first weeks, if students could not answer a question, he or she immediately asked the teacher or site coordinator for the answer, or guessed at random. After three weeks, half-way through the intervention, many of the students were observed, unprompted to begin using a pencil and paper to try to work out problems in the game. On the post-test, 5% of the students simply quit well before finishing the test. All of these were from the control group.

One advantage of Spirit Lake: The Game and other video games is the capability of automated collection of student engagement. While observational measures of student time on task are more reliable than teacher or student self-report, their use is prohibitively expensive, requiring multiple on-site assessments of each classroom and specialized training (Fredricks et al.). Games, in contrast, can monitor student activity by the number of minutes each student is interacting with the program. 

The present study lends indirect support for the proposition that teaching traditional values, particularly perseverance, can impact Native American student achievement through increased effort. Future research will compare games with and without lessons in traditional values to directly test for effects on perseverance in instructional activities and resulting impact on achievement. 


 

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Notes

 

[1] AnnMarie De Mars is from National University & 7 Generation Games; Erich Longie is from Spirit Lake Dakota Nation.



The history of Native American higher education over the last 300 years was one of compulsory Western methods of learning, recurring attempts to eradicate tribal cultures, and high dropout rates by Native Americans at mainstream institutions (Boyer, 1997).  This was certainly true of higher education in the colonial era and it was also true at the time of this study.
Varied experiments in Indian education were widespread throughout colonial America.  The diversity of the individual colonies, as well as the different settlement patterns and governments of colonial regions, mirrored efforts to educate non-Indian children in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.  Thus, in New England where a strong tradition of formal education developed, the greatest number of Indian schools operated; conversely, in the deep south where the fewest number of schools operated and illiteracy rates were highest, there were few attempts to organize Indian schools.  (Indian Boarding Schools, n.d., para. 4)
 
In his doctoral thesis, Piety, Politics, and Profit: American Indian Missions in the Colonial Colleges, Wright (1985) reveals the little known fact that early colonial colleges were founded with the express purpose of the propagation of Christianity among the American Indians.  Wright goes on to say that throughout the colonial period, the English viewed "education as a primary means" (p. 7) to accomplish this pious mission.  The purpose of his study was to "investigate, detail, and interpret the higher education of American Indians during the colonial period" (p. 11).  Wright critically examined the educational Indian mission in four colonial colleges.  He examined institutional experiments at Henrico College, Harvard College, the College of William and Mary, and Dartmouth College.
Wright (1985) found that while the colonial educators professed their own piety as if this were their singular motivation, they capitalized on the charitable impulses of the pious English and on the opportunities the charity presented in furthering other political and economic interests.
Wright (1985) revealed how funds that had been collected for conducting early experiments in educating Native Americans were diverted from the intended purpose to fund other projects.  This was a primary cause for the ultimate failure of these early experiments in Indian education.  
The colonists' plans for formal Indian schooling centered around two beliefs: (a) Any schooling endeavor must Christianize and civilize Native peoples - thus, the primary teachers and promoters of Indian education were to be missionaries and pious laypersons; and (b) Indians must be persuaded to send their children to school (Szasz, 1988).

These two beliefs formed the foundations for many Indian education experiments.  Some of the best known include Harvard College, opened in 1636 partly for the "education of the English and Indian Youth . . . in knowledge: and Godliness" (Wright, 1988, p. 6); William and Mary College, founded in 1693 in part so that "the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the Western Indians" (p. 8); and Dartmouth, opened in 1769, to offer "all parts of Learning which shall appear necessary and expedient for civilizing and christianizing Children of Pagans" (p. 11).  Clearly, the colonists sought to use education to destroy the "Indianness" of the Native peoples.  The reasons they failed become evident upon examining the colonial enrollment records at all three institutions.  Indeed, few Indians attended and even fewer graduated; only one Indian received a degree from Harvard, while an average of 8-10 Indian students were enrolled at William and Mary each year (Szasz, 1988).

Most Native Americans resisted sending their children to school; however, missionaries did manage to persuade a few families into believing the key to Indian survival in an increasingly hostile colonial environment was attending a white man's school.  These Indians reluctantly surrendered their children in the hopes that a Euro‑American education would help them survive in a world becoming increasingly hostile to Native Americans (Szasz, 1988).
Early colonial attempts to educate Native Americans failed for the same reasons educational attempts failed throughout the history of Indian education, up until the present.  Missionaries had no comprehension of the complexity and sophistication of traditional Native educational, social, and cultural systems, and they harbored deep prejudices against the Indians (Special Subcommittee on Indian Education, 1969).  This deep prejudice was the result of their religious zeal, and it prevented them from understanding why the Indians held onto their cultural values and spirituality with such tenacity (Wright, 1985).  Rather than live with such scorn, early Native American students often returned to their own people without completing their education (Szasz, 1988).  Although early colonial schools educated a very small percentage of Native American children, their supporters had successfully created the foundation upon which the future of Indian education would rest.  Thereafter, the majority of Native Americans would view education as an effort to stamp out their religion and culture by Christianizing and civilizing their children (Szasz, 1988).
Henrico College
The first proposal for organized education of any kind in the American colonies was Henrico College.  The history of attempting to impose European English style education on American Indians goes back to the establishment of the Henrico Proposal in 1618 (Stein, 1988).
In keeping with the prevailing ideology of colonial conquest that suggested a European obligation to "pacify" and "civilize" indigenous people, British Virginians petitioned the crown for funding to develop an Indian college within a decade of the first permanent settlement at Jamestown.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 1)
 
"The Henrico settlement was the third attempt by the English, under the auspices of the Virginia Company of London, to establish a permanent settlement in close proximity to the mouth of the James River in Virginia" (Vacik & Miller, 1995, p. 6).  In 1610, the Virginia Company of London went on record stating the mission of the company was to educate and evangelize the Native Americans, "to preach and 
baptize . . . and by propogation of the gospell, to recover out of the arms of the divell, a number of poore and miserable soules, wrapt up unto death, in almost invincible ignorance" (Wertenbaker, 1914, p. 31).
As the settlement in Virginia grew, and as more contact with the Natives occurred, the education of the Native American became a company goal.  Edwin Sandy's ultimate plan was to institute a systematic scheme of education for Virginia, leading up from free school to college and, in further time, a university (McCabe, 1922).  In the early days of the settlement, an Englishman, Reverend Alexander Whitaker, succeeded in converting a number of Natives to the Christian faith.  Buoyed by his success, he urged the entire English nation to come to the salvation of the "naked slaves of the devill" (as cited in Vacik & Miller, 1995, p. 8).  In addition to saving their souls, Whitaker also envisioned cultural salvation for the Natives as well.  An excerpt from a company tract written in 1613 demonstrates the intent of the Virginia settlement to develop a university and make a place for educating Indian children.
We do therefore according to a former grant and order hereby ratifie [sic] confirm and ordain that a convinient [sic] place be chosen and set out for the planting of a university at the said Henrico in time to come and that in the mean time preparation be there made for the building of the said College for the Children of the Infidels according to such Instructions as we shall deliver And we will and ordain that ten thousand acres partly of the Lands they impaled and partly of other Land within the territory of the said Henrico be allotted and set for the endowing of the said Henrico University and College with convenient possessions.  (Kingsbury, 1933, p. 102)
 
However, the impetus for building a college at Henrico really emerged when Rebecca Rolfe, better known as Pocahontas, married a 29-year-old widower named John Rolfe and converted to Christianity (Burton, 1904; Hawke, 1966).  Rebecca carried herself with such poise and dignity that her untimely death in 1617 set into motion a national project, to establish a college at Henrico for the conversion and education of Virginia's Native Americans (Hawke, 1966).  Therefore, the mission of the college at Henrico was primarily to educate and evangelize the Native Americans (McCabe, 1922).  In turn, these educated Native Americans would return home and convert their fellow tribesmen to Christianity (Chitwood, 1948).  Henrico College may have been the first example of vocational education that "was to have been somewhat like an industrial school with the purpose of making Indians useful members of society" (Land, 1938, p. 487).

Though the plans for the proposed college in Henrico were officially endorsed both by the Virginia Company in 1618 and King James, the goal of establishing an institution to educate the "Children of the Infidels" . . . was to be ultimately frustrated by fraudulent money management.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 1) 

 

Sir Edwin Sandy, the venerable treasurer of the Virginia Company, collected a net £2,043 for the express purpose of an Indian college at Henrico, but used the funds to ship indentured tenants to the colonies (Native American Colonial, n.d.).

With the establishment of a college for Native Americans at Henrico, a pattern emerged: fraudulent use of funds earmarked for Native American education.  This pattern was to persist throughout the colonial era.  "Dartmouth, like Harvard and the College of William and Mary, survived its first years by fraudulent use of moneys earmarked for Indian education" (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 12).  Administrators at those first colonial colleges opportunistically capitalized on English fears of Native American uprisings to "appeal to charitable Britons' sense of pious duty to socialize the 'heathen' races of North America, and generally met with success irrespective of sectarian identity" (para. 12).

Harvard College
Shortly after its founding, Harvard's president, Henry Dunster, professed an interest in converting Indians into Christians in order to gain access to the free-flowing charitable funds that were available for that purpose.  Dunster's requests for funding coincided with the uneasy end of Connecticut's Pequot War.  Dunster's efforts were successful and, by 1653, an Indian college was built on Harvard's premises.  Dunster deceptively reported on the progress of his Indian students to benefactors in England; however, no Indian students entered Harvard until 1660, seven years after the college was founded (Native American Colonial, n.d.).
In the four decades of the Indian college's existence, it housed only four known Indian students out of its total capacity of forty.  Instead, administrators used the Indian school building to accommodate twenty English students capable of providing Harvard with sorely needed revenue.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 4)
 

William and Mary

Just prior to the movement to found the Anglican school of William and Mary, Nathaniel Bacon, a wealthy frontier planter and relative of the governor, organized a group of exploited laborers (indentured servants under contract to work for wealthy planters) and they attacked some peaceful Indians.  Bacon and his followers felt the Indians were being coddled by the government.  The colonists were angry about poor working conditions in the colonies and lack of farmland.  Some of them started farming on Indian land, ignoring treaties between the government and local Indians (Stuckey & Salvucci, 2003).

When the governor of Virginia tried to stop Bacon from attacking the Indians, Bacon and his followers attacked and burned Jamestown, a colony in Virginia.  After Bacon's rebellion, the colonists had an understandably difficult time making peace with the Indians (Stuckey & Salvucci, 2003).  The government recognized that there was a serious need to create a mechanism for socialization of the Native Americans in order to co-opt the constant threat they posed on the frontier.

In a direct reference to the troubles on the frontier, the Commissary of Virginia, James Blair, solicited funds from England [for a college] arguing that the purpose of the college was so that "the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the Western Indians" (Wright, 1988, p. 8).  In 1693, Blair obtained a royal charter for the establishment of the College of William and Mary.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 6)

 

However, for the funds he procured in England for the Indian college, Blair contrived other more expedient outlets: there was no known Native American enrollment in William and Mary prior to 1705 or after 1720.  J. E. Morpurgo, William and Mary's historian criticized Blair's enterprise as "an entry in the ledgers through which charitable funds could be funneled to extraneous activities" (Wright, 1988, p. 9).  Partly due to the reluctance of Native American students to abandon their own social matrix and partly because most of William and Mary's funding was diverted into reviving the financially strapped college, the scheme to create through education a class of Europeanized Native Americans to act as diplomats between Europeans and their tribes failed.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 7)

 

Dartmouth College

The case of Dartmouth represents yet another appeal to pious English benefactors for Indian educational funds, rendered all the more powerful this time by British insecurities concerning Native Americans in the aftermath of the French and Indian War (1754-63).  The French and Indian War was fought between the French and the British over the right to settle North America.  Britain won the right to settle North America, then took over French forts in North America when the French withdrew.  British settlers refused to give supplies to Native Americans as the French had.  British colonists also moved across the Appalachian Mountains onto Native American land.  Native Americans retaliated by attacking settlers and destroying almost every British fort west of the Appalachians.  The British reacted with equal violence killing even Indians who had not attacked them (Garcia, Ogle, Risinger, Stevos, & Jordan, 2002).

The founder of Dartmouth College, Congregationalist Eleazar Wheelock, capitalized on this tension between the British and Native Americans by requesting funds to educate the Indians.  By educating Native Americans, Eleazar Wheelock hoped to keep them from starting wars with the colonists (Native American Colonial, n.d.). 

In 1763 Eleazar Wheelock advanced a proposal for establishing a college in New Hampshire for the purpose of "introducing religion, learning, agriculture, and manufacture among the Pagans in America" (Wright, 1988, p. 10). . . . Wheelock sent a former Indian student to England to solicit funds for his project.  The student, Samson Occum, raised £12,000 "in the mistaken belief that the funds were to be employed 'towards building and endowing an Indian academy'" (Wright, 1988, p. 10).  Yet, following a then familiar pattern, Wheelock had no intention of using the funds to build the said Indian academy.  Instead he exhausted all of Occum's collections in 15 years educating 160 students, a mere 40 of whom were Native American.  (Native American Colonial, n.d., para. 11)